Hungary

These KEKVAs are a unique Hungarian legal construct, technically classified as private-law entities, to which the state has outsourced its former public duties, primarily the running of universities, research, and culture.

The resurfacing of the controversial “heartbeat law” for pregnancy interruptions in Hungary gave the newly elected government an opportunity to consult civil and expert opinion before a legislative decision. Understanding the chain of events and the arguments of the different actors involved in the public discourse is crucial for evaluating the successes and failures of the public consultation.

The central paradox of the Hungarian situation is that the very same direct, platform-based communication that helped Péter Magyar circumvent a politically captive media system also enables him, as Prime Minister, to bypass the critical press. The democratic risk arises when citizens come to regard the authorities’ own communications as sufficient for assessing a decision, and independent scrutiny, further questioning or the consideration of alternative interpretations are pushed into the background.

It is safe to conclude that Fidesz’s dominance was not sustained through policy persuasion alone, but through a political environment in which potential alternatives were systematically delegitimized before they could gain sufficient traction.

Ever since the 2000s, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party had focused on the media; they considered control over the press as a major ingredient to success. Unlike the previous Socialist government who had had capital salvaged from the times of Hungary’s transition to democracy, Fidesz did not have their own press outlets.

For a long time under Orbán’s illiberal regime, the common sentiment on the street was that the EU should intervene to help Hungarians. This was, of course, unrealistic, and should the EU have intervened more, Orbán would have used it to get Hungary out of the Union. The EU, however, is still in the focus of sentiments on the streets.

Over the past 100 years, the region of Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) has always faced distinct kinds of uncertainty; political instability, armed conflicts, geopolitical problems and corruption. The constant fluctuation of the value of money, the frequent changes in constitutional law, economic instability, and inflation have also been leading factors in this continuous uncertainty.

After 16 years, illiberalism fell in Hungary. The markets predicted it while Fidesz pollsters and politicians were blindsided, proving yet again that free markets are better than government control.

In early August 2025, the Ministry of Climate and Environment presented a draft act on extended producer responsibility (EPR). The draft raises serious concerns. The Ministry claims that the current system “does not deliver satisfactory effectiveness”. Meanwhile, in 2023 Poland’s packaging waste recycling rate was higher than the EU average. 

The day after election night, Hungary woke up to outstretched arms, ready to embrace its return to Europe. April 12, 2026, stands as a pivotal moment in the history of Hungarian democracy. The victory of Péter Magyar and the Tisza Party marked the end of Viktor Orbán and Fidesz’s 16-year reign, ushering in a new chapter in the country’s modern timeline.